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By Courtney Mabeus
http://www.capitaleye.org/inside.asp?ID=167
After several failed
attempts, Congress is once again considering asbestos litigation reform
that would put an end to years of expensive asbestos lawsuits. But deep
divisions among powerful industry groups that doomed the legislation in
the past are threatening the bill again this time around.
Asbestos is a
cancer-causing fiber that was once used widely in brake linings,
insulation, electrical casings and a number of other building materials.
Some 730,000 asbestos lawsuits are now pending in U.S. courts, and as many
as 75,000 new cases are filed each year. More than 8,000 companies have
defended themselves from asbestos claims, resulting in more than 73
asbestos-related bankruptcies in the past 20 years, according to a RAND
Corporation study released this month.
Companies that
manufactured or used asbestos--and their insurers--for years have been
seeking relief from asbestos lawsuits. Congress tried to address the issue
in 2003 and again in 2004, but lawmakers failed to pass a bill.
Republicans, fresh from their victory in passing class-action reform, are
hoping for success on asbestos this year.
A proposal by Sens. Arlen
Specter (R-Pa.) and Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) would halt asbestos lawsuits and
require businesses and insurers to pour $140 billion into a trust fund for
victims of asbestos-related illnesses. Victims who meet certain medical
criteria would be paid set awards based on the severity of their
condition. But disagreements have surfaced among insurers, asbestos
manufacturers and trial lawyers over the amount of money the trust fund
would require and the medical criteria that would be used to determine
eligibility.
The contentiousness of
the debate was reflected Wednesday in the Senate Judiciary Committee,
which Specter chairs. Committee members, who offered 80 amendments to the
bill at a session last month, tacked on an additional 40 amendments this
week. The committee is expected to vote on the bill before it breaks for
Memorial Day.
If it reaches the Senate
floor, the bill is certain to be the subject of an expensive lobbying
battle. The Asbestos Study Group, whose membership includes several major
companies that did not manufacture asbestos but used it in their products,
is a longtime supporter of the compensation fund included in the asbestos
bill. The group has spent $17.5 million lobbying the federal government
since 2003. Its membership includes Dow Chemical, Ford, General
Electric, General Motors, Honeywell and Pfizer and Viacom.
General Electric, General
Motors and Pfizer are among the top donors to federal campaigns. General Electric has spent $35.4 million lobbying the federal government
since 2003. Its employees and PAC contributed $2.1 million, 55 percent
to Republicans, during the 2004 election cycle.
General Motors has
spent $16.4 million on lobbying since 2003. Its employees and PAC
contributed $996,000 during the last election cycle, 64 percent to
Republicans.
Pfizer, which has
spent $9.4 million on federal lobbying since 2003, contributed $1.8
million in individual and PAC contributions during the last cycle, 67
percent to Republicans.
The Asbestos Alliance,
a coalition of asbestos manufacturers that is led by the National
Association of Manufacturers, has been a consistent supporter of
asbestos litigation reform. The group does not talk publicly about its
lobbying, said Mike Heimowitz of the Alliance. But Roll Call reports that
the group has been working with Senate Judiciary Committee staff to urge
the support of Republican members.
NAM is considered one
of the most influential business groups in Washington. It spent $9.4
million lobbying the federal government between January 2003 and mid-year
2004, the date of its last filing.
Business interests also
are among the most vocal opponents of the bill. The Coalition for Asbestos
Reform, which represents 35 companies and trade groups that are unhappy
with the asbestos bill, argues that the proposal's funding scheme is
uncertain, unfair and unaffordable for many mid-size and small businesses,
according to spokesperson Tom O'Brien.
The Coalition has
spent a modest $140,000 lobbying the federal government since it was
formed last year. Its members, however, include corporate powerhouses
Exxon Mobil and DuPont, as well as insurance giants AIG, Chubb, Nationwide
and Liberty Mutual.
Exxon Mobil and AIG are
among the top donors in federal politics. Exxon Mobil's employees and PAC
contributed $926,000 during the last election cycle, 89 percent to
Republicans. The company has spent more than $15 million on lobbying
since 2003.
AIG's employees and
PAC contributed $1.1 million, 55 percent to Democrats, during the 2004
cycle. The firm has spent $15 million on lobbying since 2003.
FreedomWorks, a
conservative grassroots organization that resulted from the merger of
Citizens for a Sound Economy and Empower America, opposes the bill for
ignoring necessary changes in the legal system. The group launched a
seven-state radio campaign in April in which former House Majority Leader
Dick Armey, the organization's chairman, calls the bill "outrageous."
"Rather than start a new
administrative program, we'd rather fix the legal system," said spokesman
Chris Kinnan. "This [bill] isn't tort reform. This is taking all of these
[asbestos] cases out of the legal system."
FreedomWorks does not
have a budget specifically for its asbestos fight but has about $2 million
to spend in support of tort reform, Kinnan said.
Opponents of the bill
also include labor unions and trial lawyers. On the same day the Judiciary
Committee met to consider Specter's bill, the Washington Post ran a
two-page advertisement from the Asbestos Workers Union arguing that the
bill would not adequately compensate asbestos victims. AWU's employees and
political action committee contributed $46,000 to federal candidates and
parties during the 2004 election cycle, 89 percent to Democrats. The AWU
PAC contributed $500 to Specter, who took over the Judiciary chairmanship
in January.
AWU is a member of the
AFL-CIO, which also claims that the bill is inadequate. The umbrella group
of more than 66 unions has spent $4.4 million lobbying the federal
government since 2003.
It is among the biggest
donors to federal campaigns, having contributed $1.5 million in individual
and PAC donations during the 2004 election cycle, 93 percent to Democrats.
One group with a huge
financial stake in the outcome of the asbestos debate is the Association
of Trial Lawyers of America. ATLA opposes the bill, calling it unfair to
victims and a reward to businesses that knowingly used asbestos. ATLA also
opposes the bill because it would cap lawyer's fees at between 5 and 10
percent.
ATLA spokesman Carlton
Carl said the proposed trust fund is "clearly inadequately funded.
"There's no transparency
as to who would contribute to the fund, how much they would contribute to
the fund," Carl said. "Who is for this? Only the biggest corporations in
America."
ATLA hopes to use its
considerable political clout to defeat the bill. The group's PAC and
employees donated $2.6 million to federal candidates and parties in the
2004 election cycle, 92 percent to Democrats. ATLA has spent $10 million
on federal lobbying since 2003.
The organization has
tried to take advantage of the split in the corporate community by working
with businesses and groups that also oppose the bill. Carl said ATLA's
allies include groups that it does not normally work with, though he would
not disclose their names.
"Certainly it's not been
a close relationship," Carl said.
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POSTED MAY 13, 2005 ***
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